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The rise of greater China

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  1. Introduction
  2. Distinction of the term 'Chinese overseas'
  3. The process of cultural or national acclimatization
  4. The rehabilitation politics of the CCP
  5. The future relationship between the regional and the central factors of influence in China
  6. Primary economic growth in the PRC
  7. Attitude of the local authorities in China
  8. Analysis of situations presented by Kuhn and Segal
  9. The island of Taiwan
  10. Nationalism and democracy as incompatible
  11. Crackdown on Tibetan monks by the Chinese
  12. Nationalism in China
  13. Conclusion

The 1980s represents a significant shift in national policy within the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the movement away from Communist ideology toward a new form of ?market socialism? which has resulted in intensive economic growth, foreign investment, and political influence for the Chinese nation. Mette Thuno (2001) argues that official government policy has been directed since 1978 to appeal to the national, patriotic cultural attitudes of Chinese overseas; and to provide better treatment for migrants' relatives in the PRC as a refutation of policies implemented during the Cultural Revolution. As such, it has been the demonstrated goal of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to seek investment and support from ethnic Chinese and Chinese nationals living abroad. Conversely, Wang Gungwu (1995) explains that ?Chinese overseas? are in fact divided among various groups in terms of their nationality, interests and associations; and these standing divisions could actually stand as counterproductive obstacles to the outreach efforts of the CCP in establishing an international Chinese network. For this essay, the outreach efforts of the CCP described by Thuno (2001) will be compared to the community distinctions in Chinese overseas of Gungwu (1995) in order to evaluate the effectiveness and likely success of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission (OCAC) in establishing business, cultural or political ties with patriotic Chinese overseas.

[...] Segal (1994) writes, power of Hong Kong also derives from the fact that it is essential to the growth of southern China, and growth in southern China is essential for the growth of the country at large. Without this growth, the legitimacy of the Communist Party in Beijing is at risk.? In terms of central and regional rivalries, Hong Kong threatens to displace Beijing in its political hegemony over China as its national economic success depends upon the city. Kuhn (1998) argues that local authorities in China are acting as petty princes (zhuhou) of ancient China, effectively establishing competing Dukedoms in follow their own paths to quick profits irrespective of central orchestration or organization from Beijing. [...]

[...] Many migrants have attained local citizenship, and identify with the political and economic functions of their respective new nations over their ethnic tie to China [Gungwu, 1995]. Consequently, CCP Vice-Chairman Deng Xiaoping sought to implement ?overseas Chinese affairs? as part of the government agenda since 1977 a return to policies and practices in place before the Cultural Revolution [Thuno, 2001]. The Cultural Revolution saw Chinese migrants' families persecuted as ?foreign conspirators,? and this experience dramatically affected the relationship with Chinese overseas and the PRC. [...]

[...] As such, the political will to continue to occupy and to maintain Tibet as an integral part of China (whether historically valid or not) is a de facto reality. As the events of 2008 demonstrated, the PRC is willing to exercise the most brutal and reprehensible atrocities in order to maintain control of its dissident population and territories, and until the nation embraces democratic changes which allow for individual self-determination and autonomy of the Tibetans the conflict will continue. References Chu, Y. [...]

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