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The alternate approaches of the Black Panthers and Martin Luther King Jr.: From within or without

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  1. Introduction.
    1. The country's racial-class dynamics.
    2. The explanations for the phenomenon of black underclass.
  2. The flaws in MLK's strategy of working within the system.
  3. Segregation through ?freedom of choice?.
  4. Tackling the geographic divide between black neighborhoods and white schools.
  5. ?Black Power? leading upto and after MLK's assassination.
  6. The Panthers.
    1. Desire Housing Development.
    2. Eviction notice served by the owner of the project.
    3. November 19, 1970, NOPD officers armed invasion of the Desire projects.
  7. The country as a whole and the want for a break from the rioting and random violence.
  8. Conclusion.

Citizens of the United States will always be able to take pride in their country for its place as first true democracy in world history. Every citizen (a term which has carried with it countless shifting definitions) has always had the right to vote and determine his or her own course in the pursuit of happiness. Technically every single one of us, no matter what place in the social ladder at birth, can theoretically ?make it? if we try hard enough and are smart enough and lucky enough. In this light it's really an odd thing that our under classes are still made up of pretty much the same people: generations of poor whites from impoverished rural communities, the latest wave of blue collar immigrants (be it Italian, Asian, or Latino), and, most visibly and desperately, blacks in inner city ghettos.

[...] Carmichael, on the other hand, hopes it isn't necessary but leaves the option open is not for us to tell black communities whether they can or cannot use any particular form of action?), and he reiterates that whites and blacks are two peoples at odds whites everywhere are becoming more hostile,? ?responsibility for the use of violence by black men . lies with the white community?). Carmichael's revolution does not rule out violence and as such, when considering the incredibly high stakes (economic equality, white power-holders actually ?giving away their buildings? as he said to Mike Wallace), violence, or the threat of violence, is likely to be the concluding chapter in his movement. [...]


[...] While the schools were closed most white students began attending eight private Virginia academies, known collectively as the Prince Edward Academy that enjoyed full accreditation from the Virginia State Department of Education, while black students attended community-run centers initially staffed by experienced teachers who had worked in the public schools. Most of these teachers left in the second year of school closures to find better jobs, and for the next three years housewives and teenagers became the centers' primary caretakers, who primary focus now was to keep young kids off the streets. [...]


[...] In Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915-1945 Joe Trotter makes the argument that the Marxist theory of revolution does not successfully apply to African Americans: for whites pro-letarianization (that is urban migration to poor ghettos which provide cheap labor to nearby industry) led to a devolution of worker status and autonomy, but for blacks their entry into these factories was actually a step up from the sharecropping and common labor they had previously been tethered to in the South (Hunter). [...]

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