Transition Macedonia

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Transition Macedonia

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Abstract

Throughout the centuries, the South-eastern corner of Europe has been the scene of many invasions and transcending civilizations. This left the trace of different cultures, religions and empires. One of the most evident cleavages in the region is religious cleavage between the Catholic Church, the Orthodox Church and Islam. This mix is mainly concentrated in Bosnia-Herzegovina, where we have seen massive conflicts recently, but there are also other parts of former Yugoslavia where there are clear cultural differences. Macedonia is a good example. There the majority of the population is orthodox, with minority of Muslims. But there are also differences within the Orthodox Church and among the Muslims. Apart from this, the claims to Macedonia from surrounding nations have caused war and internal turmoil. Up until the break-down of Yugoslavia, this situation did not escalate because of the pressure from Bel-grade, but since Macedonia gained independence, this heterogenic country has witnessed massive problems, partly thanks to the multiethnic situation, as Albanians make up 25% of the population.Nevertheless, Macedonia is on the path towards becoming a functional democracy. There have been many problems along the way, and it is a highly heterogenic country without a single national identity. This paper will examine the democratic transition in Macedonia. We will try to explain if the transition towards democracy is finalised, and if not, we will attempt to explain why. The democratic transition theory of Linz and Stephan will be used as a tool in describing the situation.
In order to perform this task, the paper is divided into four distinctive parts. First we explain the theory of Linz and Stephan, and make a short evaluation of the situation in Macedonia compared with the theory. Secondly, we analyse Macedonia's historical relations with its neighbours, in an attempt to explain the complexity of the nation. Thirdly, we briefly summarize the nationalism in Macedonia and describe the state formation in the first Yugoslavia. The fourth part describes the reign of Tito, and Macedonia's position towards the dissolution of Yugoslavia. The fifth chapter deals with Macedonia's international position and developments from the independence up until the 2001 conflict. The sixth part explains Macedonia's second transition, and deals with its present problems. The paper is then summarized and analyzed in a conclusion.

Introduction.
The Linz and Stepan theory with respect to Macedonia.
1. The five arenas of democracy.
2. Democracy in multi-national states.
3. The actual state of Macedonian democracy.
4. Recapitulation.
Macedonia - a contested region throughout the centuries.
1. Greece and Macedonia.
2. Bulgaria and Macedonia.
3. Serbia and Macedonia.
4. Ottoman empire and Macedonia.
5. Albanians and Macedonia.
6. Recapitulation.
Macedonian nationalism and state formation before and in the first Yugoslavia.
1. Introduction.
2. The Ottoman period and the Macedonian identity.
3. Macedonian nationalism.
Macedonia from the Moscow meeting till independence.
1. Macedonia under Tito.
2. The response of Macedonia toward the Yugoslavian crisis.
3. The middle way.
4. The way to democracy and independence.
Independent Macedonia between 1991-2001.
1. Macedonia's position internationally.
2. Character Of the regime regarding the 5 arenas Of democracy.
3. Minorities and Reasons For Conflict.
Current issues in Macedonia.
1. End of 2001 conflict and Ohrid Agreement.
2. The Post-Ohrid background and the economy.
3. Macedonia and the EU.
Conclusion.
Sources.

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[...] The next equally contentious item for discussion was the issue of police reform Current issues in Macedonia 7.1 End of 2001 conflict and Ohrid Agreement This war ended with the intervention of a NATO ceasefire monitoring force. After the Ohrid Agreement, the National Liberation Army agreed to cease- fire in June, however there were other agreements in August, before settling one a final one in January 2002. Operation “Essential Harvest” was officially launched on 22 August and effectively started on 27 August. [...]

[...] When the Ottoman Empire began to dissolve in the late 19th century, Bulgaria almost succeeded in taking control of Macedonia in 1878. The Peace treaty of San Stefano granted the Bulgarian nation large parts of today's Greece, and all of Macedonia, but the treaty was revised in the Berlin Congress and the borders of Bulgaria were reduced to about the same as today's borders. But in 1912, Bulgaria again conquered parts of Macedonia in the first Balkan War, but were forced to abandon the territory in the second Balkan war.[18] 3.3 Serbia and Macedonia Serbia and Macedonia have a closely related history from 1913 until today. [...]

[...] In November 1944, all Yugoslavian resistant movements decided to integrate Macedonia to what would be the Yugoslavian Federation. Tito and his communist party had become the leaders of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Macedonia was the most southern part of the country, and had suffered in the war, just as the rest of Yugoslavia. In 1946 The People's republic of Macedonia became officially one of the six republics of the Yugoslav federation, a name which was changed into the Socialist republic of Yugoslavia in 1963. [...]

[...] Nevertheless, Macedonia is on the path towards becoming a functional democracy. There have been many problems along the way, and it is a highly heterogenic country without a single national identity. This paper will examine the democratic transition in Macedonia. We will try to explain if the transition towards democracy is finalised, and if not, we will attempt to explain why. The democratic transition theory of Linz and Stephan will be used as a tool in describing the situation. In order to perform this task, the paper is divided into four distinctive parts. [...]

[...] Macedonia certainly lacks political transparency. Media independence, affecting both civil and political society is rated Freedom of press is respected in the constitution, but the press situation is yet instable as journalists suffer violations. The judicial framework and independence are rated with a score of The judiciary is said to be composed of corrupt and incompetent officials. As well, it has failed to prevent with the ignorance of electoral laws and high corruption. There is a huge backlog in cases to be judged, and some of them are dealt by state officials instead of by courts. [...]

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