The oldest daughter of France did sink in the chaos following the events which have occurred in the night from September 18 to September 19, 2002 simultaneously in Bouake and Abidjan. We need to understand such a complex conflict where there is not enough retreat to seize all the stakes, and where the protagonists have different analyses of the crisis. To understand this conflict, it is initially necessary to replace these events in their social context and policy. This concerns the international economic and military relations.
We need to begin the analysis by determining the rise of Ivoirite. This term explains the rise of the nationalist and discriminatory claims that divide the population of the Ivory Coast into citizens of first and second class. This movement was carried out officially by the Young Patriots movement as initiated by Laurent Gbagbo, the successor of Houphouet-Boigny and current president of the Ivory Coast. The political context then fit obviously in this social context, and the State practiced discrimination towards the northern Ivory Coast and the foreigners.
Regarding international relations, the nexus with France was degraded: one condemned neocolonialism of which Ivory Coast is a victim. This was a charge which was amplified and stimulated to excite hatred and incite anti-French tendencies. The economic context is a prevalent factor of the crisis since before the conflict; the Ivory Coast was the symbol of a success of African independence. The country developed very quickly and was in full economic boom, thanks to its agro-alimentary resources.
The Ivory Coast was the leading cocoa producer in the world: it accounts 30% of the world market for cocoa, and it is also a large coffee producer. It maintains with France the privileged economic relations that are descended from the colonial times. This economic success associated with the unstable political context of West Africa raised eyebrows among the African neighbors. This crisis of the Ivory Coast is involved in a spiral where the democracy, freedom, the economy, the standard of living of the local populations does not cease to regress.
Knowledge of the past crisis is essential to understand the context. The three protagonists of this: the UN, France and Ivory Coast all have a different view of the conflicts determined by their interests, their history, culture, etc. This is what drives us to analyze the conflict in terms of homogeneous or heterogeneous systems. The aim is then to determine whether there is certain homogeneity between the three actors mentioned or whether, instead, they are heterogeneous and the consequences that entails.
The question is whether the Ivorian crisis is heterogeneous or homogeneous among the various actors and stakeholders within and thus addressing the case of the Ivory Coast, of course, and also on France and the UN. Initially, we will see that there is some heterogeneity between the Ivory Coast on the one hand, and the UN and France, on the other, then in a second step we will focus on the heterogeneity of players within the conflict.
Tags: Ivory Coast, Young Patriots, African independence, economic relations, homogeneous or heterogeneous systems, Ivorian crisis
[...] Then we will see the heterogeneity between European civilization and African civilization. The consensus between France and the UN on the Ivorian conflict and its limits We must distinguish the General Assembly and the Security Council in the UN if we want to compare to France because they do not have the same structure, which is crucial The General Assembly of the United Nations and French foreign policy We can consider the General Assembly as a representative of the international community and thanks to its structure and functioning. [...]
[...] It is a technically advanced civilization even if we should not forget that the Arab kingdoms or the empire of China were too. Nowadays, the misunderstandings between the two continents are multiple. Europeans living in peace are struggling to understand the multitude of African conflicts related to the mismatch between borders and the geographical distribution of ethnic groups. These misunderstandings are due to the historical legacy of course, but also the economic factor. [...]
[...] Allows for the period specified in paragraph 1 above, the increase of the military component of UNOCI up to 850 additional personnel, as well as increasing the civilian police component up to a maximum of 725 civilian personnel, including three formed police units, and other civilian personnel required; Authorizes the Secretary-General to take all necessary measures to implement as it is relevant measures envisaged in paragraphs 19 to 23 and 76 to of its report on cooperation between the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) The United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and the United Nations Operation in Côte d'Ivoire and the ability to carry out these tasks border operations, dated 2 March 2005 (S/2005/135), subject the agreement of the countries contributing troops and, if applicable, the governments concerned and without prejudice to the mandates of the UN missions; Requests the Secretary-General to seek the agreement of the countries contributing military personnel and civilian police to UNMIL, UNAMSIL and UNOCI to redeploy this temporary staff as needed to strengthen the above three missions, as appropriate, taking into account the need to ensure the effective implementation of existing mandates of these missions; 6. [...]
[...] It believes that the crisis threatens international security which is important because it allows it to use Article VII of the UN Charter, namely "Action in case of threat against the peace, breach of the peace , breach of the peace and acts of aggression "(see Appendix 4. The UN and French intervention in Ivory Coast analyzed in terms of international systems Knowledge of the past, and the context in which the crisis erupts are essential to understand. The three protagonists of this topic: the UN, France and the Ivory Coast all have a different views of the conflict which is determined by their interests, their past, their culture, etc . Here is what drives us to analyze the conflict in terms of homogeneous or heterogeneous systems. [...]
[...] Such action may include demonstrations, blockade, and other operations by air forces, naval or Members of the United Nations. Article 43: 1. All Members of the United Nations to contribute to maintaining peace and international security undertake to make available to the Security Council, on its call and in accordance with a special agreement or agreements specials, armed forces, assistance and facilities, including rights of passage, necessary for the maintenance of peace and security The agreement or agreements shall govern the numbers and types of forces, their degree of readiness and general location, and the nature of the facilities and assistance to be provided The agreement or agreements shall be negotiated as soon as possible on the initiative of the Security Council. [...]
using our reader.