The German political system, which was designed after the Second World War, is characterized by considerable stability. It strikes a balance between the four pillars of power, namely the government formed by the chancellor, the parliament (Bundestag) where party influence is exercised, the Federal Council (Bundesrat) which are represent state governments, and the Federal Constitutional Court for Protection of Human Rights and the constitutional review of laws.
However, this balance is increasingly challenged by the rise of the Federal Chancellor, and essential person in the German political system and the real head of the executive, so much so that today we speak of the "democracy of the Chancellor. This formula resembles the French one, and attempts to transcribe the German expression of "kanzlerdemokratie" invented in the 50s along with the introduction of the personalized role of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer.
Nevertheless, the rule of Chancellor is limited by institutional constraints inherent in the German system and the presence of counter-powers such as lobbies, players in local democracy, or the media whose role is growing in politics.
One might wonder whether the term "democracy of the Chancellor" is applicable to today's Germany, and whether it is challenged by other descriptions that make Germany a "democracy of parties "or a" media democracy ". We first examine the role of the chancellor who has a strong position in the German democracy, before we see how his power is restrained.
Originally, German democracy is a representative parliamentary democracy which highlights the Bundestag, the only institution elected by universal suffrage, with a federal chancellor who is elected by a majority of its members, and derives his legitimacy from them. In the "basic law" there is no mention of a "chancellor of democracy". However, it appears that he actually holds the whole executive power. Though this situation is primarily dependant on the institutional powers granted to the chancellor, it also depends on circumstantial evidence such speculation, and the economic and political personality of the chancellors.
The foundations of the legitimacy of the Chancellor: The legitimacy of the chancellor is based on three essential elements: the mode of election, the difficulty in reversing the procedure, and the vote of confidence. The method of electing the chancellor is such, that in practice, only candidates who are nominated by a majority vote of the Federal Parliament are eligible. Indeed, the chancellor is elected by the Bundestag on the proposal of the Federal President.
If the nominee is not elected in the first round, the parliamentary majority may elect the chancellor of their choice. However, they only have 14 days to decide. After that time, the candidate with the most votes is automatically elected. Moreover, the president may decide to dissolve the Bundestag in order to involve new voters. This mode of election aims to ensure the credibility of the public, and create what is called a "majority of the Chancellor" (Kanzlermehrheit), thus ensuring his hold on power, and greater ability to govern.
Tags: German political system, Federal Council, German democracy
[...] The need to balance between federal and federated states: The Chancellor implements a compromise between Bundestag and Bundesrat In addition to the stress of parties, the chancellor is also affected by a second constraint. This constraint is the need to reconcile the state and the federal states. In fact, he is also assured of his parliamentary majority in the Bundestag. The chancellor is required to deal with the Bundesrat, the majority of which can sometimes be from a different party, as was the case under the governance of Gerhard Schröder. [...]
[...] Meanwhile the federal government which includes the Chancellor and the representative democracy is developing a direct democracy in Germany across the Länder. Today there are two types of actors in local democracy: Representatives elected directly, and citizens who can advise on policy within a local interest. There are four forms of municipal administration: The Board of southern Germany, the board of Northern Germany, the system of the magistrate, and the mayor of the system. These four systems are highly complex, but they have a common point which is crucial in the direct election of local chief executive, the Mayor. [...]
[...] The counter power in the German democracy: A way to mitigate the power of the Chancellor Besides the interaction between the four institutions named above, and the prominence of the chancellor, we cannot understand the workings of German democracy without understanding the role of the counter-powers. Their common function takes the place of the opposition against the government. There are several such powers which are divisible into two categories: those who which have lost the importance of yesteryear, and those which have an increasing role. [...]
[...] In addition, the authority of the chancellor is based on his strong commitment to foreign policy. This would help rally the nation behind his name, and distinguish him as the official representative. Finally, the chancellor must be able to personalize the debate and action in a democracy where media power is growing. This should include events such as the election of autumn 2002, which is the cause for more personalized than political debate in Germany. In Recent time, major TV stations broadcasted the clash between the outgoing chancellor, Gerhard Schröder and his challenger, Edmund Stoiber. [...]
[...] Thus focusing on the election of Chancellor simplifies the issues of elections, and helps clarify and identify people. Indeed the major parties have indeed no choice but to customize the elections by presenting their 'candidate for chancellor. " The power of the Chancellor depends on his personality and his choice According to the political scientist, Karlheinz Niclausse, the "Chancellor of democracy" is as dependent on the choices of the Chancellor, as on his institutional status. He noted four elements in the underlying authority of the chancellor that go beyond his status. [...]
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