This document is a summary of the debates which took place within the International Association of Workers of the Congress at Brussels. It highlights the divisions within this authority by connecting them with the social position of the parties and traces the stage of evolution of the society. These divisions focus on the opportunity of using strikes and also raise questions on the issues relating to the property, State and class struggle.
The International Workers Association, considered the first real workers' association, was founded in 1864, following a meeting of solidarity held in London with Poland. Karl Marx wrote that his provisional statutes were finally adopted in 1871 and the inaugural manifesto with Engels.
There were previous attempts led by Marx to form an international working class movement with the League of Communists. The movement, composed mainly of Germans scattered in Europe, veered towards internationalism at the instigation of Marx who obtained full powers. On this occasion, he wrote The Communist Manifesto which became the watchword of labor internationalism: "Workers of all countries unite!
Another attempt, Workers International Association was founded in London in 1855 by the forbidden French, German, Belgian, Polish and English. However, this did not last after 1859 because of severe power struggles between the radicals and anarchists.
The creation of the International Workers Association was the result of strengthening the labor movement after the economic crisis of 1857-1859. In France, labor strikes became more frequent between 1862 and 1864. They destroyed the Combines Act that legalized the right to strike and the abolition of the booklet worker. In addition, in 1862, the Empire, weakened by the defection of business and trying to spare the working class, sponsored the workers meeting under the Universal Exhibition of London. This was a workers' delegation led by Henry Louis Tolain and leaders of various trade unions.
Tags: workers' unions, trade unions, labor movement
[...] In addition, the international libertarian would challenge the authority of the General Council and advocate local autonomy. Therefore, an inevitable break would occur between Marx, who tried to sabotage the AIT, and the present thinkers who are now referred to as the anarcho-syndicalists. Bibliography Jacques Droz, General History of socialism - Volume 1 - Origins to 1875, Paris PUF, Quadriga collection. DEMALDENT Jean-Marie & GUCHET Yves, History of Political Ideas - Volume 2 - From the French Revolution to the present day Paris Armand Colin. [...]
[...] the rights for the working class. The strikes Initially, the English, who were strong supporters of the AIT, believed that an alliance would strengthen their struggle and would promote the need for a legal fight globally. Their Unions saw strikes as a means that could be used to obtain immediate material benefits and they believed this method to be successful. At the Geneva Congress in 1866, the French delegation was against this method of striking. The influence of Proudhon, who few years earlier was against this method, had remained strong. [...]
[...] Another attempt to form a Workers International Association was took place in London in 1855. Exiles from all over Europe came together (France, Germany, Belgium, Poland and England) but this association did not last after 1859 because of severe power struggles between the radical and anarchist Proudhon. The creation of the International Workingmen's Association was the result of a strengthening in labor movement, this took place after the economic crisis of 1857-1859. In France, strikes became more frequent between the years of 1862 and 1864. [...]
[...] the Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeitsverein (General German Business Association.) The development of the labor movement took different forms in different countries. To coordinate the activities of those labor organizations that were present in different countries (Belgium, Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland etc.) that had joined the AIT, Marx proposed the idea of a General Council. This would be an agency with political leaders who would be responsible for developing local situations for the proletarian struggle of the working class in various countries. [...]
[...] Similarly, Marx had long felt the inevitability of large-scale production in industry. As part of collectivism De Paepe, believed that only tools remained private property. The means of production such as machinery will be owned collectively by the workers and the natural resources are owned by the community at large. The French delegates were the heirs of Proudhonian thought and this corresponded to an early stage of capitalism, when artisans like himself were still numerous. The reports of the French saw that they advocates a mutual credit and cooperation system, this was different from the opinion of the association, as it was based on a relationship between independent producers. [...]
using our reader.